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The five men who make up Israel’s war cabinet have more than a century of military experience among them and decades of political and diplomatic know-how.
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The cabinet was formed five days after Israel declared war on Gaza to temporarily unify Israel’s political factions and ensure its steadiest hands were in charge during a national crisis. Its members share histories of fierce competition and betrayal, making them the quintessential team of rivals.

Hints of those personal tensions surface from time to time, particularly when one member holds a solo news conference, or when they shift uncomfortably during joint briefings, practically grimacing when reporters ask how they are getting along.

But in contrast to the ultranationalist and deeply polarizing government that was on watch on Oct. 7, when Hamas-led attackers surged across the border from Gaza, killing about 1,200 people and abducting 240 others, according to Israeli officials, this lean, decision-making forum is widely viewed as a functional, professional body.
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Working discreetly, the cabinet has gained the Israeli public’s trust, experts said. Its diverse political makeup, they added, has lent the government greater legitimacy abroad, ultimately buying the military more time to achieve its goals in Gaza dismantling Hamas and bringing home the remaining hostages amid intensifying international pressure.

It has also bought Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu time in the face of public anger over his government’s failures surrounding the Oct. 7 attack, as well as created new political risks.

“The war cabinet has created a sense of confidence that decisions are not based on political considerations but are balanced and focused” on national objectives, said Tzipi Livni, who served as a government minister during two of Israel’s previous wars. “There is a huge public in Israel whose family members are serving in Gaza, in mortal danger,” she added.

The five men who make up Israel’s war cabinet have more than a century of military experience among them and decades of political and diplomatic know-how.
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The cabinet was formed five days after Israel declared war on Gaza to temporarily unify Israel’s political factions and ensure its steadiest hands were in charge during a national crisis. Its members share histories of fierce competition and betrayal, making them the quintessential team of rivals.

Hints of those personal tensions surface from time to time, particularly when one member holds a solo news conference, or when they shift uncomfortably during joint briefings, practically grimacing when reporters ask how they are getting along.

But in contrast to the ultranationalist and deeply polarizing government that was on watch on Oct. 7, when Hamas-led attackers surged across the border from Gaza, killing about 1,200 people and abducting 240 others, according to Israeli officials, this lean, decision-making forum is widely viewed as a functional, professional body.
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Working discreetly, the cabinet has gained the Israeli public’s trust, experts said. Its diverse political makeup, they added, has lent the government greater legitimacy abroad, ultimately buying the military more time to achieve its goals in Gaza dismantling Hamas and bringing home the remaining hostages amid intensifying international pressure.

It has also bought Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu time in the face of public anger over his government’s failures surrounding the Oct. 7 attack, as well as created new political risks.

“The war cabinet has created a sense of confidence that decisions are not based on political considerations but are balanced and focused” on national objectives, said Tzipi Livni, who served as a government minister during two of Israel’s previous wars. “There is a huge public in Israel whose family members are serving in Gaza, in mortal danger,” she added.

The five men who make up Israel’s war cabinet have more than a century of military experience among them and decades of political and diplomatic know-how.
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The cabinet was formed five days after Israel declared war on Gaza to temporarily unify Israel’s political factions and ensure its steadiest hands were in charge during a national crisis. Its members share histories of fierce competition and betrayal, making them the quintessential team of rivals.

Hints of those personal tensions surface from time to time, particularly when one member holds a solo news conference, or when they shift uncomfortably during joint briefings, practically grimacing when reporters ask how they are getting along.

But in contrast to the ultranationalist and deeply polarizing government that was on watch on Oct. 7, when Hamas-led attackers surged across the border from Gaza, killing about 1,200 people and abducting 240 others, according to Israeli officials, this lean, decision-making forum is widely viewed as a functional, professional body.
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Working discreetly, the cabinet has gained the Israeli public’s trust, experts said. Its diverse political makeup, they added, has lent the government greater legitimacy abroad, ultimately buying the military more time to achieve its goals in Gaza dismantling Hamas and bringing home the remaining hostages amid intensifying international pressure.

It has also bought Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu time in the face of public anger over his government’s failures surrounding the Oct. 7 attack, as well as created new political risks.

“The war cabinet has created a sense of confidence that decisions are not based on political considerations but are balanced and focused” on national objectives, said Tzipi Livni, who served as a government minister during two of Israel’s previous wars. “There is a huge public in Israel whose family members are serving in Gaza, in mortal danger,” she added.

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Ukraine is developing a “drowning not waving” problem. It is struggling to say clearly how badly the war is going.
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Giving a candid public assessment of how poorly a conflict is going can be an unwise move as it can result in morale and support draining. After Obama boosted troops in Afghanistan, public support declined over the years, in part because of a lack of realism about how the war was going.
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Ukraine’s acutely bad presentation of its troubles is mostly due to the myopia of its allies.

The lack of understanding in parts of US Congress is breathtaking. A congressman this week suggested Ukraine should name a finite price tag and a specific, simple goal. It’s staggering after two American wars of choice in two decades, costing trillions of dollars, that congressional memories are so short, and comprehension so limited.

Instead, Kyiv consistently points to past successes and future goals. They have reclaimed about half the territory Russia took last year; they have damaged its Black Sea presence strategically. They have a plan for 2024, Zelensky said, but it is secret.

Yet in truth, the most useful headline for Kyiv should be how unutterably bleak the frontlines are for them now. In nearly every direction, the news is grim. Russian forces are hiving off parts of the eastern city of Avdiivka, yet another town Moscow seems content to throw thousands of lives at despite its minimal importance. Along the Zaporizhzhia frontline, where the counteroffensive was focused but ultimately slow and unrewarding, Russian units have come back with renewed vigor and the defense is costly for Ukraine. Ukraine has made a plucky (or foolhardy) dash across the Dnipro River, with some small progress into Russian lines. The casualties have been immense, their supply lines are problematic, and their prospects dim.